Over a year ago I posted on the subject of hubris, who incidentally was the Greek goddess who personified arrogance, insolence, and violence. I feel compelled to revisit the subject.

If you aren’t American, you can be forgiven if this week’s title leaves you puzzled. It refers to a political science theory developed around 2010 by US political scientist Graham T. Allison that posits a significant likelihood of war between two powers when a great power’s position as hegemon is threatened by an emerging power. In American universities it is now almost universally studied as a warning to America on how to behave against a surging China. In the last few months the “surging power” was an almost overlook near-nuclear Iran.

But the titular theory is just that: a theory. More important is whether the theory is actually understood.

Although interesting, the theory has often been misinterpreted. Most recently it has formed much of the basis of American foreign policy crafted by the brain trust of scholars who advise the stable genius residing in 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. Having read Thucydides’ tome History of the Peloponnesian War, I will bet whatever anyone wants that no one surrounding the current US president has ever also done so (unlike with past Security Council members). Written in the 5^th century BC, it runs to between 700 and 800 pages depending on the translation. Not exactly light reading.

The foundation of the theory, and current US policy — at least for the next 20 minutes — devolves from a famous passage known as the Melian Dialogue, where an Athenian delegation presents an ultimatum to the neutral city of Melos. They can choose to join Athens against Sparta or be put to the sword. Here we find the famous phrase “the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must.” The Melians refused to be bullied and the Athenians destroyed them.

Thucydides’ text is considered by many scholars to be the beginning of recorded history as we know it. Thucydides writes dispassionately and offers many conclusions. Similar to Carl von Clausewitz’s own tome On War, Thucydides’ history is unfinished. There are no definitive conclusions at the end of the 700 pages of recounting the disastrous war. But that does not mean that there are no lessons to be learned.

For instance, initiating a war to prevent the rise of an adversary brings no guarantees. Here we find Hubris, a powerful and recurring theme in ancient Greek literature, once again. Believing that because you are currently the most powerful nation is not a guarantee that you are unbeatable. The Peloponnesian War saw Athens, the revered and powerful democratic power, steadily deteriorate, demonstrating that even strong democracies, when without steady guidance, can destroy themselves from within. As I have said before, I am not predicting the collapse of the American empire. That said, there can be no doubt that there has been an immense diminution of American power, influence, and trust since the current administration took over.

Interestingly, unlike previous empires, this current downhill slide is not predicated by imperial overreach. Nor is it the outcome of a face-to face confrontation with another great power as was the collapse of the Soviet Union. This diminution is completely self-inflicted. What is worse, there was absolutely no logical reason for any of it. Beginning with bellicose tariffs and progressing through threats of illegal territorial expansion, the current administration has been committing great power suicide in slow motion. The latest announcement that America will begin withdrawing troops from Germany and possibly “make a quick stop” with an aircraft carrier on the way home fro Persia to seize Cuba, the suicide seems to be both worsening and quickening.

If future political science students need a case study of how a world power should never behave, the study of the Second Trump Administration will be the one to study. Forget the Spanish, Russian, German, Austro-Hungarian or British Empires. What we see underway is the greatest example of national political self-harm in human history and a textbook example of why national elections matter.